The Ban Is Not Perfect. That Was Never the Point.
I do not work in the UK. But after ten years on the front line of this work across the world, here is why I think they got it right.
Last Monday, the UK announced it would ban children under 16 from social media. I was super excited, but the excitement faded the moment I opened the news, and then my own Instagram feed, and felt something closer to a gut punch. One after another, researchers and advocates I follow, people whose work I respect and have cited for years, were lining up to say no. I was so angry I slammed my laptop shut. Then I opened it again and started writing.
That first draft was not measured, and it was not kind. So I did the thing I tell parents and teenagers to do every single day. I stepped back. I let it sit. I waited a few days. And then I came back to it. This is what I want to say now that I am no longer writing in anger.
First, I want to congratulate the government. This took courage. In the government's consultation, which drew more than 116,000 responses, nine in ten parents backed a ban for under-16s, and two-thirds of young people supported action too. The Prime Minister said plainly that he did not do this lightly and would not pretend it was cost-free. That is not a careless decision. That is a hard one, taken in full view of the trade-offs.
And yet the response in some quarters was not "good, now let us make it work." It was something closer to alarm. Some reached past the policy itself to question the government's motives. But this should not be about politics, and it should not be about who is right and who is wrong. It should be about what we need to do now. How can we all help? What research still needs to happen? What systems need to be put into place? Let us all roll up our sleeves and get to work, worldwide. And at times the alarm seemed less about the children than about the disruption to a particular position or cause. I say that carefully, but I do mean it.
The concerns being raised are real and they deserve answers, not dismissal. Will children be pushed to less regulated spaces? What about marginalised young people who have found community online? Will enforcement even work? These are good questions. So let me answer them, not from a study, but from the front line, where I have spent the last ten years.
So let me tell you a story.
A few years ago I was on a bus with a group of students coming down from a digital detox weekend. It had been a good weekend. There had been singing on previous rides, laughter, students looking out the window, real conversations. These are not small things.
Before we boarded, a group of students came to me. There was a Formula One race happening during the exact window of our ride down. They were passionate about it. They made their case respectfully. They reminded me they had done everything asked of them all weekend. They just wanted to watch this one race live.
I listened. I checked. The race was real, the timing was real. And so I said yes. About three minutes before it started I handed back the phones and told them why.
I walked the aisle a few minutes later. Not one student was watching Formula One. Not one. They were on Snapchat, Instagram, games. And not one of them noticed me standing there, looking at what they were doing. Not one looked happy.
They had not lied to me deliberately. But they had lied. The pull was just bigger than their intention. Bigger than the thing they actually said they wanted. I regretted it immediately. I regretted not protecting that space.
These were not undereducated kids. They had just spent a weekend thinking carefully about their relationship with technology. They had the digital literacy. They had the intention. And the second the phones were in their hands, none of it mattered.
I am not asking anyone to take that story as data. It is not data. It is an illustration of the reality that sits behind the effect sizes. And I say that as someone who is not only a practitioner but works as an expert and in research too. I know how this can look, the person with a story set against the people with the studies, so let me be clear about what I am and am not saying. I am not saying the research is wrong. I am saying the research is not finished, and children cannot wait in a holding pattern until it is.
Now to the arguments themselves.
The strongest objection, the one with real moral weight, is about marginalised children. Where, critics ask, will LGBTQ+ young people and other marginalised kids find community if not online? I take this seriously. I took it seriously two years ago, when I wrote about it at length. My answer then is my answer now. Pushing marginalised children onto unregulated platforms is not protection. It is outsourcing. When we defend the unregulated internet by saying it is the only place these kids can belong, we are really saying we want you to have community, but not here, not in the real world. The online third space is a quick fix that fails the deeper need. The harder, more honest work is building safe in-person spaces where every child belongs, and refusing to abandon the kids who need us most to an algorithm that was never designed to care for them.
Then there is the argument that a ban simply disempowers children and delays exposure rather than teaching them to navigate online life, and that we should invest in digital literacy and a kind of graduated "social media passport" instead. It is a tidy idea. I have spent ten years doing exactly that teaching. And I can tell you it does not work the way its champions hope, because the problem is not mainly a teaching problem. It is a developmental one.
A thirteen-year-old's brain is not finished. The prefrontal cortex, the part that governs impulse control and resisting immediate reward, is still years from maturity. So you can educate a child beautifully, and they will still be overmatched, because the product on the other side of the screen was engineered by adults precisely to exploit the impulse control a child does not yet have. That is not a failure of the child or of their teachers. It is a mismatch between a developing brain and a system built to capture it. My bus was full of educated children who had just spent a weekend reflecting on all of this. The pull still won. Not because no one taught them. Because biology.
And there is a third piece that the "just educate them" model quietly depends on: the adult in the room. Gradual, guided exposure needs a parent who is present, engaged, and modelling healthy use. In a great many homes that parent is not there, not because they do not love their children, but because they are caught in the same machine, telling their child, "I am working" from behind their own screen, handing over a device because in that moment it is easier. The supervision the model assumes is often simply absent.
So look at what the alternative to a ban actually requires. A child who can be taught to handle it. A platform that will be redesigned to be safe. And an attentive adult, guiding the whole thing. All three at once. In reality, not one of them can be reliably counted on. The child is developmentally outmatched. The platforms have had fifteen years to redesign voluntarily and instead gave us things like Instants, a disappearing-photo feature copied straight from Snapchat, the kind of vanishing, unrecorded messaging we already know is where so much harm hides, and which by their own account is aimed at younger users. And the adult is too often distracted or struggling with their own use. A ban is the one intervention that does not depend on all three lining up perfectly.
As for the idea of using a ban only as a temporary lever to force companies to fix their products, leverage only works if the threat is credible and the companies respond. They have had fifteen years of pressure and chose engagement every time. At some point, leverage has to become protection. And banning social media now does not mean banning it forever. You can always let children back on when the platforms are genuinely safe. Acting now forecloses nothing later.
On the question of rights, this is where I disagree most strongly. We restrict children constantly, and we do not call it taking away their rights. Children cannot vote, cannot sign contracts, cannot consent to sex, cannot drive, cannot buy alcohol, cannot get tattoos, cannot watch certain films. We do not frame any of this as oppression. We frame it as recognising that childhood is a developmental stage that deserves protection and scaffolding. A ban is not disempowerment. It is the same recognition, applied to a commercial product engineered to outmatch a child's developing brain.
And on displacement, yes, some children will get around it. Kids find ways around alcohol laws too. That has never once been a serious argument against an age limit. If the worry is that children will move to even less regulated corners of the internet, then the answer is to make the protection comprehensive, not to abandon it. Banning one door while leaving the rest open fails for obvious reasons. That is an argument for doing the job properly, not for not doing it.
Here is the truth underneath all of this. It is messier than the critics are letting on. The harm comes from many directions at once, and no single study will ever isolate one clean cause. If we wait until the research is finished, until we know precisely where each thread of harm begins, we will be waiting while a whole generation grows up inside it.
We cannot make parent education mandatory, even though some form of it could help, and the freedom not to engage is one parents are entitled to. But when we host parent evenings, the turnout is never what it should be. The families who most need to be in the room are often the ones who do not come. I know this because I keep trying. It is part of why Serene Xefos and I are building something different, a podcast parents can listen to in the car, on a walk, in the small gaps of a busy life, because if they will not come to the room, I want to bring the conversation to them.
And here is what I keep coming back to. We have different jobs. The researchers' job is to study, and we need them to keep doing it, rigorously and without flinching. Keir Starmer's job is to make law and to safeguard the children of his country. My job is the front line, in the room, with the actual children, finding systems that work. Those are not the same job and they do not run on the same clock. Research can take the long view. Protection cannot, because the children are here now.
When a child is in harm's way, you do not wait until you have mapped every cause. You act. You reduce, you pull back, you protect, and then you educate. That is not the opposite of good research. It is what you do alongside it.
The ban is not perfect. It was never going to be. But imperfect protection is still protection. Article 19, the right of children to be protected from harm, does not wait for a perfect solution.
Neither should we.
P.S. That podcast is called Don't Tell My Parents. It launches weekly starting September 4th. You can follow it already.
Allison Ochs, Social pedagogue, author, and student listening specialist
I work with schools and parents to navigate the realities of digital life and design education built on what students actually need. Interested in bringing this work to your school or parent community? Contact me here.